1 Polish Firm Already Making Drones in India as Nations Eye Satellite Co-Production

For the space and defense industry, this signals a concrete move toward collaborative satellite manufacturing, moving beyond mere diplomatic support. India’s growing space program and Poland’s advanced manufacturing capabilities could combine to create dual-use satellite systems, with potential ripple effects across the global space supply chain.

Poland has thrown its weight behind India’s bid for a permanent seat on the United Nations Security Council, coupling that diplomatic support with a concrete offer to deepen defense industrial cooperation that encompasses joint production of military equipment, drones, and satellites. The announcement came on July 14, 2026, from Wladyslaw Teofil Bartoszewski, Secretary of State at Poland’s Ministry of Foreign Affairs, during talks in New Delhi. His statement marks a significant alignment between a major European Union and NATO member and the world’s most populous democracy, with potential to reshape defense supply chains and space manufacturing dynamics in both countries.

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For Poland, it represents a foothold in one of the world’s largest defense markets, which has historically relied on Russia (60% of legacy inventory), France, and Israel for aerial systems.

The UNSC reform pledge, while symbolic, carries weight because it exposes the structural gridlock that has long stymied India’s aspirations. Bartoszewski was candid about the obstacle: any enlargement requires the consent of all five permanent veto-wielding members, and “there’s always somebody who doesn’t want to change because they like to have a small club than a larger club.” Nevertheless, Poland’s explicit backing adds to a growing chorus of nations—including the US, UK, France, and Russia—that have individually supported India’s claim, though none have yet pushed a formal resolution through the Council. For India, each new endorsement chips away at the perception that the current permanent membership reflects post-1945 geopolitics rather than contemporary global realities.

But it is the defense and space technology component that offers the most immediate, tangible outcomes. Bartoszewski revealed that the two sides are working to sign an agreement on the exchange of classified information, which he called essential for expanding military collaboration. Such an agreement is the foundational legal instrument that allows governments to share sensitive technical data, software source codes, and operational parameters—all prerequisites for co-developing advanced systems like armed drones, missile components, or reconnaissance satellites. Without it, cooperation remains limited to commercial off-the-shelf purchases. The fact that both nations are now formalizing this framework signals a move from transactional arms sales to a strategic technology partnership.

On the ground, tangible progress is already visible. Bartoszewski noted that a Polish company—unnamed in the interviews but clearly active in the unmanned aerial systems sector—first exported drones to India and has now established a manufacturing subsidiary in the country to produce them locally. This aligns with India’s “Make in India” and “Atmanirbhar Bharat” (self-reliant India) policies that incentivize domestic production of defense equipment. For Poland, it represents a foothold in one of the world’s largest defense markets, which has historically relied on Russia (60% of legacy inventory), France, and Israel for aerial systems. Diversifying suppliers reduces India’s vulnerability to geopolitical shocks, while giving Polish defense firms a high-growth export platform.

The satellite dimension is particularly noteworthy for the space sector. Joint production of satellites—likely observation or small communication platforms—could combine Poland’s niche expertise in optoelectronics, propulsion, and Earth-observation instruments (honed through participation in European Space Agency programs) with India’s low-cost launch capabilities and growing domestic satellite manufacturing capacity through the Indian Space Research Organisation (ISRO) and private players. Poland’s space sector, while modest compared to India’s, has been developing rapidly; companies like Creotech Instruments have launched their own satellites and could serve as technology partners. For India, this cooperation could accelerate the production of dual-use satellite constellations for border surveillance, disaster management, or maritime domain awareness—areas where the country is already investing heavily. A joint satellite project might also offer Poland a way to participate in India’s upcoming space missions, potentially including lunar or interplanetary programs, in exchange for specialized instrumentation.

Bartoszewski further disclosed that India is interested in acquiring “various Polish military platforms” and may license their production in India, while concurrently discussions are underway for Indian companies to manufacture defense equipment in Poland. This reciprocity is crucial: it transforms the relationship from a buyer-seller dynamic into a two-way industrial partnership that could create jobs and transfer intellectual property in both directions. The mention of “military platforms” suggests that beyond drones and satellites, Poland might offer armored vehicles, air defense systems (such as the Piorun man-portable air-defense system, which India has already tested), or artillery, all areas where Polish industry is competitive.